Embassy Events
Assistant Secretary of State Daniel Fried's Remarks to Bosnia-Herzegovina’s Parliament
April 4, 2007
Speakers Belkic and Filipovic, Members of Colleageum, Delegates, members of the Council of Ministers, it is an honor and a privilege to be here today. Thank you for the invitation and the opportunity to present to you the hopes of the American government for Bosnia-Herzegovina’s future, and our view of the challenges your country faces on the way there.
I served in Belgrade in the early 1980s after Tito but before Milosevic. I spent a lot of time in Sarajevo, in this beautiful city, and left part of my heart here. I was here during the 1984 Winter Olympics, that most hopeful time for this city. There was hope in the air. Yugoslavia was slowly emerging from authoritarianism. Reform and talk of democracy was heard in Sarajevo’s famous cafes and in Bascarsija. In those years, Bosnia-Herzegovina even welcomed refugees from Poland, who had fled from Martial Law in their own country to come to this land of greater wealth and, they believed, greater promise.
That promise and those hopes were quashed by evil men who committed crimes. I need not remind you of the terrible tragedy that befell this country at their hands.
While Yugoslavia was at war with itself, the rest of Central Europe moved forward. People who had looked with envy on Bosnia-Herzegovina were making the reforms that they needed to join Europe. And they did join Europe. Most of the former Eastern Europe has now integrated itself into NATO and the EU. But the Western Balkans and Bosnia-Herzegovina are not yet part of that Europe whole, free and at peace. A united Europe, a united transatlantic community, must include you as well.
We want you with us. But it is not what we want, but what you want that matters most. Is it not in your own interest to join the undivided Europe that has flourished in the years Bosnia-Herzegovina has struggled to find its way? Is it not in your interest, and that of your children, to become that most wonderful of things: a normal country?
A dozen years have passed since the war ended. Great diplomats of my country and Europe helped forge the Dayton agreement, and our military led NATO in its peacekeeping and nation-building missions. Now, new possibilities are open to you.
But the past still weighs on your country’s future. Some wounds stubbornly refuse to heal. Though you as political leaders know that Bosnians have achieved much, people still suffer from setbacks that your country can ill afford.
Neither I nor any foreigner can speak lightly of the suffering that took place here. Some wounds do not heal easily because they are deep. Alas, the crimes that took place in Srebrenica on and after July 11, 1995, cannot be wished away. There is no way to describe them other than as genocide, as the International Court of Justice ruled in February. Neither can we wish away the crimes that befell this city, or so many other cities of this land.
I myself lost friends here, on Mount Igman: Robert Frasure, Joseph Kruzel and Nelson Drew, who died in 1995 trying to bring peace to Bosnia-Herzegovina. But you need no American to tell you what crimes occurred and what lives were lost.
These dark times are not just a matter of memory. It is a travesty that war criminals and cowards Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic, the two individuals most responsible for the atrocities committed here, are still at large, enjoying the benefits of life that they denied to so many others. For justice to be done, these individuals must be arrested and sent to the Tribunal at The Hague. We will continue to do our utmost to track them, but we will need your help.
More also must be done to help the survivors of this tragedy, to complete the identification of the remains of the victims and to help the survivors achieve the security and economic opportunities to enable them to live normal lives. I was told that just before this meeting, you debated and passed assistance to Srebrenica. This is important, and we are glad.
The American Declaration of Independence says that all have the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; and that it is the purpose of government to help secure these rights. The government here has made important advances since 1995 in this direction.
Today, however, we must squarely face the reality that, over the past year, after making great progress, Bosnia-Herzegovina has taken a step backward.
Just one year ago, Bosnia’s leaders were bringing this country to the future. They debated not whether, but how to build the new state institutions required to join the European Union, to foster economic growth, to fight organized crime and terrorism, and to create a modern, unified military firmly under civilian control and fully compatible with NATO. Bosnia's leaders even came close to amending the constitution.
But in the election campaign of 2006, leading political figures stopped talking about a shared political future and began speaking another dangerous language from another time.
Let me be clear, lest I be misunderstood. Nationalism has been tried here, with terrible consequences.
I have said before that nationalism is like cheap alcohol: first, it makes you drunk, then it makes you blind, and then it kills you. It is a lethal addiction. All of you know that better than I.
It’s easy to understand why some prefer to frame the debate in this country in terms of ethnic divisions: It is easy to stoke fear in people who all too recently experienced a wrenching war. The memory of loss and suffering is strong because memories are real.
But the future cannot be built on revenge, or grievance, or hatred. You are the elected representatives of the peoples of Bosnia-Herzegovina. You, and your new government, have a responsibility to take your country forward. And yet you have lost nearly a year, a year in which most of your neighbors have moved closer to full Euro-Atlantic integration.
Albania, Macedonia and Croatia are now credible candidates for NATO membership, and Croatia is on the path to the EU. Slovenia is already there, a full member both of NATO and the EU. Montenegro, which resumed its independence only months ago, is moving ahead with its own ambitious reform agenda and has even initialed a Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU. The status quo in Kosovo will not hold; we must resolve status and do so this year. We fully back the report by the special U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisari, including its call for independence for Kosovo under international supervision. Kosovo’s situation is unique, and the solution is no precedent for any other situation anywhere else.
Look at this progress around you. Regard your neighbors and contemplate their future. How can you let Bosnia and Herzegovina fall behind?
U.S. Engagement in Bosnia-Herzegovina
A Bosnia-Herzegovina that fails or stagnates will be alone. But, a Bosnia-Herzegovina that seeks progress will find a ready partner in the U.S. My country will help bring you into Europe and the transatlantic community.
Just as my country accompanied so many other countries in this region, from Estonia to Bulgaria, as they traveled the road to freedom and Europe, we will help you every step of the way, all of the way.
My country led the effort that ended the Bosnia-Herzegovina war. Six weeks after the murders in Srebrenica, our planes were in action against the killers. We did not do so early enough. But in the end we did the right thing, and that is why you have an American here before you today.
We, and our European allies and partners, are deeply committed to helping the people of Bosnia-Herzegovina build a peaceful, prosperous, multiethnic, and democratic future. Directly and through the Office of the High Representative, which will remain at least a year more, we will be here.
In Bosnia-Herzegovina, we have spent billions of dollars to help secure the peace and help rebuild your country—building law enforcement and judicial capacity; developing private enterprise and supporting a transition to a market economy; and rebuilding your educational and cultural institutions.
Our commitment includes our people. We have sent tens of thousands of troops, committed diplomats, military and police trainers, and technical experts in every area from defense reform to taxation, in order to help your country and its citizens.
If you are looking for a concrete sign of America’s commitment, look at the construction site not far from here where preparations are underway for a large, new American Embassy.
We have not come so far, and done so much, to see an opportunity lost.
America is here to stay, and our goal is to help Bosnia-Herzegovina take its rightful place in Europe.
The question is, what are you prepared to do to achieve that goal? You have suffered much at your own hands, and received much from the hands of others. We look to you now to see what steps you are prepared to take to reach Europe.
The Road Forward
If you are prepared to move forward to make up the time lost last year, you will find in the United States an eager partner. We have a crucial stake in helping you.
An example of U.S. commitment was our support at last November’s NATO Summit for Bosnia-Herzegovina to join the Partnership for Peace. This was not a gift.
Bosnia and Herzegovina earned its place at the Partnership table through its successes in implementing defense reform and its participation in global security operations, including its Explosive Ordinance Disposal unit serving with honor in Iraq.
We are grateful for your country’s commitment to the people of Iraq, and appreciate your March 30 approval of the fifth rotation of this unit.
Bosnian political and military leaders have announced that full NATO membership is a key priority for Bosnia-Herzegovina. We are gratified to hear that; the United States strongly supports this goal.
The road to NATO is open to you, but it is a demanding journey. Militaries alone do not join NATO; countries join NATO. The alliance is the great institution tying together the transatlantic community, a community of shared values and responsibilities where Bosnia-Herzegovina should take up its rightful place.
To travel that road, and the road to the European Union, you must see your reforms through.
One reform is defense reform, what must be brought to its full and successful conclusion. This includes ensuring adequate funding for the armed forces and the transfer of defense property from the entities to the state Ministry of Defense. These are responsibilities that will fall to the government and parliament.
Police Reform
No reform is more pressing for Bosnia and Herzegovina than police reform, another area where you have fallen behind. For over a year now you have been on the cusp of concluding a Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU, the next step on the way to EU membership. Lack of progress with police reform now stands in your way.
Opportunities to reach agreement have slipped past time and again, most recently when EU Commissioner Olli Rehn’s visited just three weeks ago. This latest effort at agreement floundered not because of the substance of the agreement, but because of semantics.
Commissioner Rehn was clear when he spoke before you – without police reform there will be no Stabilization and Association Agreement. It is time for you, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political leaders, to reach an agreement in line with the Police Directorate’s proposal and the three EU principles.
Constitutional Reform
Last year, the six political parties representing all of Bosnia-Herzegovina’s three constituent peoples reached agreement that would have been a major step towards modernizing the Dayton Constitution. Many told us that it was premature, too soon after conflict to suggest major changes to the document that brought the peace. Naysayers were proven wrong. Leaders from across the political spectrum sat down, deliberated for months, and agreed. Their willingness to compromise and reach agreement demonstrated that Bosnia and Herzegovina is becoming a stable democracy.
But, my friends, the agreement was scuttled by those who put short-term political gain over the long-term interests of the people of this country.
Make no mistake: creating a more functional and efficient government remains essential for the future of Bosnia-Herzegovina, and these changes must ultimately be agreed by the country’s political leaders. An “all or nothing” approach to constitutional reform is a recipe for failure.
The April 2006 package remains a good place to start. We, like the EU, are prepared to work with you and support your efforts to continue the constitutional reform process, but you should resume by adopting the old package.
Constitutional reform is a process, not an event. It must be based on consensus among political leaders, not on take it or leave it demands from any side. Constitutional reform cannot, and will not, be imposed by the international community. You must do it yourselves.
You are lucky to have examples here in Europe from which to choose. This continent includes a full range of successful constitutional arrangements. There is no single way to make a country and resolve issues of centralization, federalism or, in your terminology: entities. You can draw lessons from Europe’s many examples of decentralization and regional status, or from the United States; but whatever your choice, your state must function in today’s world and deliver for all of this country's citizens. And, on some things at least, you must be one nation, even if a nation of several peoples.
Different models have different advantages and drawbacks. Bosnia-Hercegovina can learn from them all. But all successful models have in common the mechanisms for solving disputes that arise effectively and peacefully. What matters is functionality; what matters is that these mechanisms work; what matters is solving in the most efficient way real questions over real problems such as access to potable water, electrical services, or roads that can be trusted.
Economic Reform
So you must tackle constitutional reform. And you must also, absolutely, tackle the economy.
Growth was strong in 2006, but not strong enough. And other economic news is not good. Unemployment remained stubbornly high, especially among young people. Bosnia-Herzegovina’s per capita rate of Foreign Direct Investment lags well behind that of its neighbors. GDP per capita is less than half of Croatia’s and less than Albania’s-less than Albania's.
Investment means jobs. But investment goes where the investment climate is most favorable.
Consider well where your country stands in this regard. The World Bank recently published its “Doing Business” guide for 2007, and your country fell from the 91st place to 95th (in a total of 175 countries). You and your government cannot afford to fall back.
Worrisome scores included Registering Property, where you came in 139th place; Starting a Business, where your country came in 141st; and a disappointing 160th place for “Dealing with Licenses,” where the average time spent in obtaining a license was 447 days. 447 days waiting for a business license!
You cannot build your future in this way. Corruption and bureaucracy drain life from the honest and able. The climate for business and foreign investment must be reformed. A single economic space also encompasses accepted and predictable rules for issues like taxes, citizenship, contracts and court procedures. These issues do not grab headlines, but they are how you build up a normal state and join Europe. These reforms, along with an openness to neighbors and the world, will create the conditions for economic growth.
An SAA will strengthen the investment climate. An SAA will open the way to greater EU assistance, and serve as a sign to outside investors that Bosnia-Herzegovina is on the right path. I urge you to meet the EU’s last conditions and get this done.
Conclusion
I have come before you today with two tasks. One is to implore you not to be blind to the problems that exist. The other is to recall the prospect for a better future for yourselves and your children that is available to you, if you stretch out your hands.
Europe and the United States are waiting for you. Think carefully about what being a part of the European Union would mean. Borders with the rest of the continent will disappear. No more visas for travel; no more long waits at the airport immigration line or searches at customs. Bosnian children could study more easily at some of the best universities in the world and work anywhere from Ireland to Munich. Your children have high aspirations – and deserve the best future you can give them.
In the past, Bosnia’s choices have been made by others. Now you will be authors of your history.
To erase international borders, you will have to overcome the internal ones blurring the vision of Bosnians. The resurgence of destructive nationalism has cost a year you could ill afford to lose. It is easier to scare people than to inspire them; hate and fear are powerful. But they are empty. You cannot build a family, let alone a nation, this way. You are the leaders of Bosnia-Herzegovina, and your people need you.
I beg of you, cast aside the cheap politics of nationalism that destroys, and turn instead to the patriotism and pride with which nations are built. The difference between the two was best laid out by Charles De Gaulle, and yes an American can quote Charles De Gaulle, who said: "Patriotism is when love of your own people comes first; nationalism, when hate for people other than your own comes first."
I urge you, as my predecessors urged the leaders of a deeply-divided Europe after World War II, to find true patriotism, to remember the past, but reconcile with one another as your European neighbors have done.
Only by acting together for your nation can you lead your people to a brighter future.
I understand what your country has gone through. I understand how deep are the scars. You were the victims of fanaticism, right here in Europe, in this generation.
But you are no longer victims. The Americans and the Europeans of the undivided transatlantic family came here, we are still here, and we will remain here, so that you are victims no longer.
You are now the authors of your future. You will determine your destiny, for good or ill. The choices you make will have consequences, for yourselves and your children.
You know the choices before you. Make the right ones. Do not fall back into the dark place of hatred and war, of division and paralysis. Take your place in the undivided Europe open to you. Do so for your sake, and for the sake of generations to come. And join us.